Mao: The Unknown Story

To persuade the US to think that he really wanted them as an ally, Mao hinted that he and Washington shared a mutual enemy: Hanoi. Kissinger came away feeling that “in Indochina, American and Chinese interests were nearly parallel. A united Communist Vietnam dominant in Indochina was a strategic nightmare for China …” Mao’s position not only double-crossed the Vietnamese, it was also a huge betrayal of the Chinese people, who had been starved of essentials for decades so as to aid the Vietnamese — against “US imperialism.”

Mao added a personal touch to soften up Kissinger, by alluding to Kissinger’s success with women. “There were some rumours that said that you were about to collapse. (laughter),” the meeting record runs. “And women folk seated here were all dissatisfied with that. (laughter, especially pronounced among the women) They said if the Doctor [Kissinger] is going to collapse, we would be out of work.” “Do you want our Chinese women? We can give you ten million. (laughter, particularly among the women).”

A few weeks later, on 16 March, Nixon wrote Mao a secret letter, stating that the territorial integrity of China was a “fundamental element” of US foreign policy, in language which suggested a commitment to come to China’s defense militarily if it was attacked. The Chinese wanted to know exactly what this meant.

Kissinger told the Chinese on 6 July that he had set up “a very secret group of four or five of the best officers I can find” to study what the US could do. Among scenarios considered was airlifting American nuclear artillery shells and battlefield nuclear missiles to Chinese forces in the event of war. The only practical option, the group recommended, was to ferry American tactical bombers into China loaded with nuclear weapons, and launch nuclear attacks on Soviet forces from Chinese airfields. This opened up the prospect of US nuclear weapons being stationed on Chinese soil.

To his close circle on 19 July, Kissinger spelled out how the White House was thinking: “All this talk about 25 years of mutual estrangement was crap. What the Chinese wanted was support in a military contingency.” The memo reveals that Kissinger was well aware that he and Nixon were contemplating doing something almost unimaginable: “We might not be able to pull it off, but at least [Kissinger] and the President understood this. Alex Eckstein and other chowder-headed liberals loved China but if you asked them about military actions in a contingency they’d have 600 heart attacks.”

Nixon and Kissinger knew that Mao had his eye on military know-how, and they agreed to fix substantial acquisitions for him. On 6 July, Kissinger told Mao’s envoy:

I have talked to the French Foreign Minister about our interest in strengthening the PRC [Communist China]. We will do what we can to encourage our allies to speed up requests they receive from you on items for Chinese defense.

In particular, you have asked for some Rolls-Royce [engine] technology. Under existing regulations we have to oppose this, but we have worked out a procedure with the British where they will go ahead anyway. We will take a formal position in opposition, but only that. Don’t be confused by what we do publicly …

This decision was vital for China’s aircraft industry, which was entirely military-oriented — and decrepit. In April 1972 Chou had warned the Albanians not to try to fly their Chinese-made MiG-19s. Six months later, a plane supplied to another country exploded in mid-air, after which all shipments of arms overseas were halted. Chou told Third World heads of state that he could not satisfy their pressing requests for Chinese helicopters, as they were unsafe.

Access to Western technology revolutionized China’s aircraft industry, and may also have boosted its flagging missile program, as rocket chiefs were deeply involved in the Rolls-Royce negotiations. In addition, Kissinger secretly encouraged Britain and France to sell strictly prohibited nuclear reactor technology to China. Mao had made a lot of headway towards getting what had always been his core objective.

The Russians were alarmed by Mao’s overtures towards the Americans. In June 1973 Brezhnev warned Nixon and Kissinger that (as Kissinger paraphrased it to China’s liaison): “if military arrangements were made between the US and the PRC, this would have the most serious consequences and would lead the Soviets to take drastic measures.” This conversation with Brezhnev, which concerned US national security, was promptly related to Mao’s envoy, who was present at the Western White House during Nixon’s talks with Brezhnev, but not to America’s allies — or to the US government itself. “We have told no one in our government of this conversation,” Kissinger confided to Mao’s envoy. “It must be kept totally secret.”

One ostensible purpose of Nixon’s journey to Peking had been to lessen the danger of war with Russia. Thanks to Mao, this danger had if anything increased.